This paper highlights the grave and recurring violations of human rights, the drastic restrictions on fundamental freedoms, and other measures used by the junta to seize and retain state power while attempting to give such seizure an appearance of legality and legitimacy.
Upon seizing power on 5 September 2021, the Guinean junta firmly committed itself to respect and uphold human rights and fundamental freedoms, to end “bad governance, the politicization of the administration, the instrumentalization of justice, and the trampling of citizens’ rights and freedoms.”
These commitments, together with the prohibition for the head of the junta and all officials of the transition from standing as candidates in elections to be organized for the restoration of constitutional order, were clearly enshrined in the Transition Charter.
This Charter, and the oath of the President of the Transition to respect and enforce it, gave rise to immense hope and strong support among the Guinean population and the international community. Unfortunately, the junta has engaged in massive and recurrent violations of the Transition Charter, in particular its provisions relating to the independence of the judiciary and the protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
The following facts and actions illustrate the junta’s betrayal of its commitments and its violations of the Transition Charter, especially the provisions on the protection of human rights and public freedoms and those prohibiting the candidacy of transition officials in elections marking the end of the transition:
1. Prohibition of demonstrations and violent repression of protests
Peaceful demonstrations in streets and public squares have been banned, and any attempts to exercise this right, despite being recognized by the Transition Charter, have been violently suppressed.
In this context, 63 demonstrators were killed by gunfire from defense and security forces, most of them under the age of 20. Hundreds of others were wounded, some left permanently disabled. Those responsible for these crimes enjoy total impunity, as no sanction—even administrative— has ever been imposed on a police or gendarmerie officer implicated in these killings. While citizen demonstrations against violations of their rights and freedoms are banned and bloodily repressed, rallies in support of the CNRD and of Mamadi Doumbouya’s presidential candidacy are encouraged, authorized, and financed with public funds.
It should also be recalled that the final of a football tournament named the “General Mamadi Doumbouya Trophy” ended with the deaths, under still unexplained circumstances, of at least 153 people.
2. Instrumentalization of justice and the creation of a special court (CRIEF)
The judiciary has been systematically used by the junta to prosecute and convict civil society actors and political leaders, often without evidence or legal basis, under the pretext of preserving public order and combating corruption. To this end, a special court—the Court for the Repression of Economic and Financial Offences (CRIEF)—was created.
Before their enforced disappearance, two leaders of the National Front for the Defense of the Constitution (FNDC), Omar Sylla, alias “Foniké Mengué,” and Billo Bah, had already been arrested, tried, and sentenced to prison terms, alongside other civil society activists such as Sékou Koundouno, Ibrahima Diallo, and several political officials, for “disturbing public order.” The FNDC was arbitrarily dissolved on 8 August 2022 by decree of the Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralization (MATD). Meanwhile, under the guise of anti-corruption, the CRIEF has targeted political leaders who denounce poor governance, the junta’s intent to retain power, and its human rights violations.
Among them:
Former Prime Minister Kassory Fofana, who assumed leadership of the RPG following the arrest of Alpha Condé, has been detained for nearly three years without trial.
Former Prime Minister Cellou Dalein Diallo, leader of the UFDG and the country’s main opposition figure, remains in exile, pursued without evidence for alleged acts dating back to 2002—already time-barred under Guinean law. His residence was demolished despite ongoing legal proceedings, and he was prevented from registering during the recent electoral roll update, even though he possessed all required documents.
Aliou Bah, President of the Model party, was arrested, tried, and sentenced to two years in prison for “insulting the Head of State,” after criticizing the junta’s governance. At the same time, the junta and its associates engage in the blatant misappropriation of public funds without judicial scrutiny. State resources are largely diverted toward personal enrichment and ostentatious investments, notably in real estate. Several ministers and military officers have been implicated in corruption and illicit enrichment scandals without ever being prosecuted.
3. Enforced disappearances
On 9 July 2024, two FNDC civil society leaders were arrested on the eve of a demonstration planned against the closure of radio and television stations. Since then, their lawyers and families have had no news of them. Both the judiciary and the government deny any knowledge of their whereabouts. However, consistent testimonies confirm that they were arrested by gendarmerie and special forces agents, taken first to the presidential palace, then transferred to the Fotoba detention center on Kassa Island, where they were subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment for weeks.
In October 2024, former Secretary-General of the Ministry of Mines under Alpha Condé, Saadou Nimaga, was abducted by security forces. Journalist Habib Marouane Kamara suffered the same fate and, like Nimaga, remains missing.
4. Abductions and torture of opinion leaders
In February 2025, Abdoul Sacko, coordinator of the “Forum of Social Forces of Guinea,” was abducted from his home, tortured, and later abandoned in the wilderness.
In June 2025, former Bar Association president, lawyer Mohamed Traoré, suffered the same ordeal. Other civil and military figures are reported to have suffered similar treatment but have chosen silence for their safety.
5. Suppression of the media
Freedom of the press has been curtailed through arbitrary suspensions of media outlets by the High Authority of Communication (HAC), abusive prosecutions and convictions of journalists, internet shutdowns, dismantling of radio and television equipment, withdrawal of broadcast licences, and, ultimately, the outright cancellation of licences for outlets critical of the junta.
Among those shut down were Espace FM, FIM FM, and Djoma FM, three of the country’s most influential broadcasters. Despite strong protests from the media sector and professional unions, the government has refused to reverse its decision, which has destroyed major private investments and eliminated over 1,000 direct jobs.
6. Deaths of civilians and military personnel under suspicious circumstances
General Sadiba Koulibaly, deputy leader of the junta, reputedly supportive of prompt elections and the return of the military to barracks, was arrested on 4 June 2024 on charges of desertion and illegal possession of weapons. Discharged from the army and sentenced to five years in prison, he was detained at an undisclosed location. Weeks later, authorities announced his death from a “cardiac arrest,” returning his body to his
family without further explanation.
On 7 September 2024, renowned pediatrician Dr. Mohamed Dioubaté was arrested in Kankan for allegedly burning a portrait of General Doumbouya. Days later, his body was returned to his family without explanation.
On 25 September 2024, the wife of Colonel Pépé Célestin Guilavogui was summoned to Camp Samory and taken to the morgue, where she was shown her husband’s lifeless body. He had been abducted by gendarmerie and special forces on 9 September 2023 and had been missing since.
7. The sham referendum of September 2025
The referendum held on 21 September 2025 constitutes a flagrant violation of the Transition Charter and of the solemn commitments made by the President of the Transition before the Supreme Court, the Guinean people, and the international community.
By implicitly authorizing himself to run for the presidency, Mamadi Doumbouya committed perjury and violated both the Transition Charter and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance of the African Union, ratified by Guinea. Article 46 of the Transition Charter clearly states: “The President and members of the National Committee for Rally and Development shall not be candidates in either national or local elections to be held to mark the end of the transition. This provision may not be amended.”
Similarly, Article 25(4) of the African Charter on Democracy, Elections, and Governance stipulates: “The perpetrators of unconstitutional changes of government shall not be allowed to participate in elections held for the restoration of the democratic order, nor to hold any position of responsibility in the political institutions of their State.”
By violating his oath, his word as a military officer, and Guinea’s international commitments, the head of the junta has committed perjury tantamount to high treason.
The referendum was moreover conducted in a climate of fear imposed by the government and enforced by military territorial administrators. With the Minister of Territorial Administration and his military prefects in charge of organizing the referendum, no dissenting opinion could be expressed or considered. For this reason, the majority of citizens, following the call of the most representative political parties (UFDG, RPG, and UFR), chose to boycott the poll.
Independent observation reports were unequivocal: never since the advent of multiparty politics in 1990 has voter turnout been so low. Serious irregularities were also reported, including breaches of ballot secrecy, organizational failings, and internet shutdowns to silence information. The final results announced by the Supreme Court, proclaiming “a victory for ‘yes’ with 89.38%,” are nothing but a sham that deceives no one.
These abuses are the direct consequence of the junta’s absolute control over the electoral apparatus. As early as 2022, Mamadi Doumbouya replaced the country’s 34 civilian prefects with military officers. In March 2024, he dissolved all 342 municipal councils, replacing them with individuals handpicked by military administrators based on their support for his candidacy. In November 2024, these administrators appointed new neighborhood and district chiefs on the same basis.
In June 2025, a presidential decree replaced the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) with a new General Directorate of Elections (DGE), placed under the authority of the Minister of Territorial Administration, General Ibrahima Kalil Condé. Endowed with powers exceeding those of the former CENI, both the Director and Deputy Director of the DGE are directly appointed by the President of the Transition.
In closing, from the drafting of the Constitution to the conduct of the referendum, including the appointment of territorial administrators and local officials, the CNRD has systematically controlled every stage of the process. Opposition parties unanimously denounced this total takeover of the electoral process by the executive, which stripped the referendum of all credibility.
New York, September 30, 2025
Cellou Dalein Diallo
Former Prime Minister
President of Union of Democratic Forces of Guinea (UFDG)